To:
Date: Tue, 31 Mar 1998 17:59:02 -0700
From: "Dobrak Nasution" <>
Subject: Re: Bedanya angkatan 66 dengan angkatan 98
saya tidak sependapat dengan anda, bahwa angkatan 66 didukung ABRI membawa
amanat penderitaan rakyat.
Apa hasilnya perjuangan angkatan 66 selama ini ? nothing !!!dari pertama
perjuangan anda menyimpang, tidak sesuai dengan amanat Order Baru 66,
ingat ketika anda masih ber-kobar2 menuntut turunnya Soekarno. Anda
dengan pasukan KAMI mencari dana dengan paksa, memeras kiri kanan, pakai
kendaraan yang sebenarnya bukan miliknya, terutama warga non pribumi,
perusahaan2 negara yang menjadi sasarannya. Waktu itu KAMI dan KAPPI
dibantu oleh ABRI yang memang sengaja membuat keadaan se-olah2 gawat,
sehingga dengan mudah kalian mendapatkan dana tsb. Bedanya dengan
angkatan 98 sampai saat ini belum ketularan dengan penyakit yang dialami
angkatan sebelumnya, semoga adik2 berjuang sesuai dengan hati nurani
rakyat.
Wong Cilik
Saya juga sependapat dengan Anda dalam menanggapai tulisan Akbar Tanjung.
Seperti kita tahu, bagaimana dulu angkatan '66 dengan gagahnya, dan konon
katanya ingin menentang Tirani--baca kembali sajak-sajak Taufik Ismail dan
konco-konconya dari ManiKerbo, eh Manikebu--kita akan lihat di sana
bagaimana mereka menggambarkan jaman yang bergolak dan penuh idealisme
itu.
Masalahnya sekarang, kalau kita bicara tentang bedanya angakatan 98 dengan
angkatan '66; angkatan '66 dulu berpartisipasi menumbangkan Orde Lama, dan
mendrikikan Rezim Rampok Orde baru, tentunya juga mereka (angkatan '66)
mendapat restu dari militer, dan akhirnya menyerahkan pantatnya untuk
disodomi tentara. Jangan sampai ini terulang lagi pada angkatan 98, ini
juga kalau angkatan '98 benar-benar eksis. Kalau melihat resistensi rakyat
tertindas dan bagaimana represifnya tentara menghadapi aksi-aksi massa
akhir-akhir ini, memang kita tidak perlu dan tidak butuh dukunngan dari
kekuatan bedil yang akhirnya akan menyodomi kita juga.
Angkatan '66 dulu dan juga kaum Manikebuis adalah sekelompok hewan yang
pura-pura berjuang atas nama kemanusiaan dan humanisme universalnya, yang
ternyata diotak mereka menyantol begitu dangkalnya.
Angkatan '66, para penjilat pantat Orba, dan kaum manikebuis, yang dulu
terganggu kesenangannya, yang sekarang juga sibuk mengungkit-ungkit luka
lamanya, semuanya dari mereka adalah sejenis binatang yang dulunya punya
idealisme. kalaupun ada diantara mereka yang benar-benar manusia, adalah
orang-orang spt Soe Hok Gie, Arif Budiman, Gunawan Muhammad, yang lainnya
adalah binatang-binatang yang rela menjilat pantat suharto demi perut dan
kursi empuk.
Jadi kesimpulannya, angkatan '66 sama dengan Rezim Rampok ini; perampok,
pemerkosa, mendedam sana sini, tuding sana sini, jilat sana sini, kasih
pantat untuk disodomi tentara.
Dan tahukan Anda ketika mereka berkata: "Awas ada yang ingin menggelapkan
sejarah?"
Pertanyaannya, sejarah yang mana? Sejarah siapa?
*****************************
Date: Thu, 2 Apr 1998 01:31:31 +0900 (JST)
From: NINDJA <>
To:
Subject: Demonstrasi di Jepang
Demonstrasi Mendukung Demokratisasi Indonesia:
Hentikan Bantuan Jepang kepada Rezim Soeharto-Habibie!
Dari pada tanggal 18 sampai dengan 21 Maret 1998, Wapres Indonesia
B.J. Habibie berkunjung ke Tokyo. Dia menyelenggarakan pembicaraan
dengan PM Jepang Ryutaro Hashimoto mengenai bantuan pangan dan obat
-obatan serta dalam pertemuan JIF (Japan-Indonesia Forum), dmeminta agar
hubungan ekonomi antara Indonesia dan Jepang lebih ditingkatkan lagi .
Selama Habibie di Jepang, pada tanggal 20 Maret, para anggota NINDJA
(Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan) dan pendukungnya, sekitar 50
orang, berdemonstrasi untuk mendukung gerakan pro-demokrasi di Indonesia
di depan DIET dan Deplu Jepang. NINDJA mengajukan beberapa tuntutan
kepada Ketua Majelis Rendah (the House of Representatives) dan Majelis
Tinggi (the House of Councilors), yang isinya sebagai berikut :
Kepada : Ketua Majelis Rendah Bapak Soichiro Ito
Kepada : Ketua Majelis Tinggi Bapak Juro Saito
1. Kami berharap Pemerintah Jepang untuk menghargai pendapat LSM-LSM dan
mengajak mereka mendiskusikan kebijakan-kebijakan yang berhubungan
dengan pemberian bantuan kepada Indonesia.
2. Kami menuntut Pemerintah Jepang untuk mendesak Pemerintah Indonesia
agar menempuh cara-cara yang demokratis dan transparan dalam penggunaan
bantuan pinjaman Jepang. Bantuan hendaknya jangan dipakai untuk memfasilitasi
perusahaan-perusahaan keluarga Cendana atau para konglomerat.
3. Krisis ekonomi Indonesia telah mengorbankan kehidupan rakyat melalui PHK,
kenaikan harga dll. Maka bantuan sangat diperlukan untuk mereka. Bantuan
itu harus diberikan langsung kepada rakyat jelata atau disampaikan melalui
LSM-LSM yang aktif membina masyarakat lapisan bawah.
4. Tuntutan bagi reformasi ekonomi dan reformasi politik di Indonesia
akhir-akhir ini kian meluas. Pemerintah Indonesia menindas mereka dengan
kekerasan. Pemerintah Jepang mesti mendesak pemerintah Indonesia agar
menghargai aspirasi rakyat melalui proses demokratisasi.
5. Pemerintah Soeharto bersikap yang tidak demokratis dan tidak
menghargai hak asasi manusia. Kami mengira bahwa pemerintah Jepang mesti
berhenti untuk membantu pemerintah Indonesia melalui ODA. Setidaknya
Pemerintah Jepang perlu menuntut Pemerintah Indonesia supaya menghargai
demokratisasi, hak asasi manusia dan kebebasan sebagaimana dicatat dalam
ODA Charter (Piangan ODA). Apabila Pemerintah Indonesia tidak mengikuti
piangan tersebut, Pemerintah Jepang mesti mempertimbangkan untuk
berhenti pemberian ODA.
6. Belakangan ini sering terjadi kerusuhan yang disebabkan kesulitan
kehidupan rakyat di seluruh Indonesia. Lagi pula gerakan masyarakat yang
menuntut demokratisasi semakin berkembang. Dalam keadaan itu, terjadi
kehilangan 2 aktivis yang bernama Pius (Aldera) dan Desmond (LBH
Nusantara) serta orang-orang yang luka-luka dan ditahan juga tercapai
jumlah yang besar. Dengan demikian, Pemerintah Jepang harus menegaskan
Pemerintah Indonesia agar tidak mengambil tindakan dengan kekerasan
untuk mengatasi masalah yang sedang dihadapi dan agar berusaha untuk
menemui orang yang hilang. Kami berharap anggota-anggota DIET untuk
berkunjung ke Indonesia dan menyatakan dukungan kepada gerakan
pro-demokrasi, misalnya melakukan penyalidikan independen, atau
mengikuti acara pengadilan bagi aktivis yang ditangkap.
20 Maret 1998
Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan
Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan (NINDJA) didirikan pada bulan
Maret 1998 dengan bertujuan untuk mendukung demokratisasi Indonesia.
Kegiatan utama dari NINDJA adalah mengumpulkan informasi alternatif yang
berkaitan soal demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Di samping
itu, NINDJA memberikan informasi tersebut serta mengimbau aksi mendadat
kepada masyarakat, media mas, DIET maupun Pemerintah Jepang.
------
NINDJA <>
Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan
Date: Thu, 2 Apr 1998 01:31:31 +0900 (JST)
From: NINDJA <>
To:
Subject: Demonstrasi di Jepang
Demonstrasi Mendukung Demokratisasi Indonesia:
Hentikan Bantuan Jepang kepada Rezim Soeharto-Habibie!
Dari pada tanggal 18 sampai dengan 21 Maret 1998, Wapres Indonesia
B.J. Habibie berkunjung ke Tokyo. Dia menyelenggarakan pembicaraan
dengan PM Jepang Ryutaro Hashimoto mengenai bantuan pangan dan obat
-obatan serta dalam pertemuan JIF (Japan-Indonesia Forum), dmeminta agar
hubungan ekonomi antara Indonesia dan Jepang lebih ditingkatkan lagi .
Selama Habibie di Jepang, pada tanggal 20 Maret, para anggota NINDJA
(Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan) dan pendukungnya, sekitar 50
orang, berdemonstrasi untuk mendukung gerakan pro-demokrasi di Indonesia
di depan DIET dan Deplu Jepang. NINDJA mengajukan beberapa tuntutan
kepada Ketua Majelis Rendah (the House of Representatives) dan Majelis
Tinggi (the House of Councilors), yang isinya sebagai berikut :
Kepada : Ketua Majelis Rendah Bapak Soichiro Ito
Kepada : Ketua Majelis Tinggi Bapak Juro Saito
1. Kami berharap Pemerintah Jepang untuk menghargai pendapat LSM-LSM dan
mengajak mereka mendiskusikan kebijakan-kebijakan yang berhubungan
dengan pemberian bantuan kepada Indonesia.
2. Kami menuntut Pemerintah Jepang untuk mendesak Pemerintah Indonesia
agar menempuh cara-cara yang demokratis dan transparan dalam penggunaan
bantuan pinjaman Jepang. Bantuan hendaknya jangan dipakai untuk memfasilitasi
perusahaan-perusahaan keluarga Cendana atau para konglomerat.
3. Krisis ekonomi Indonesia telah mengorbankan kehidupan rakyat melalui PHK,
kenaikan harga dll. Maka bantuan sangat diperlukan untuk mereka. Bantuan
itu harus diberikan langsung kepada rakyat jelata atau disampaikan melalui
LSM-LSM yang aktif membina masyarakat lapisan bawah.
4. Tuntutan bagi reformasi ekonomi dan reformasi politik di Indonesia
akhir-akhir ini kian meluas. Pemerintah Indonesia menindas mereka dengan
kekerasan. Pemerintah Jepang mesti mendesak pemerintah Indonesia agar
menghargai aspirasi rakyat melalui proses demokratisasi.
5. Pemerintah Soeharto bersikap yang tidak demokratis dan tidak
menghargai hak asasi manusia. Kami mengira bahwa pemerintah Jepang mesti
berhenti untuk membantu pemerintah Indonesia melalui ODA. Setidaknya
Pemerintah Jepang perlu menuntut Pemerintah Indonesia supaya menghargai
demokratisasi, hak asasi manusia dan kebebasan sebagaimana dicatat dalam
ODA Charter (Piangan ODA). Apabila Pemerintah Indonesia tidak mengikuti
piangan tersebut, Pemerintah Jepang mesti mempertimbangkan untuk
berhenti pemberian ODA.
6. Belakangan ini sering terjadi kerusuhan yang disebabkan kesulitan
kehidupan rakyat di seluruh Indonesia. Lagi pula gerakan masyarakat yang
menuntut demokratisasi semakin berkembang. Dalam keadaan itu, terjadi
kehilangan 2 aktivis yang bernama Pius (Aldera) dan Desmond (LBH
Nusantara) serta orang-orang yang luka-luka dan ditahan juga tercapai
jumlah yang besar. Dengan demikian, Pemerintah Jepang harus menegaskan
Pemerintah Indonesia agar tidak mengambil tindakan dengan kekerasan
untuk mengatasi masalah yang sedang dihadapi dan agar berusaha untuk
menemui orang yang hilang. Kami berharap anggota-anggota DIET untuk
berkunjung ke Indonesia dan menyatakan dukungan kepada gerakan
pro-demokrasi, misalnya melakukan penyalidikan independen, atau
mengikuti acara pengadilan bagi aktivis yang ditangkap.
20 Maret 1998
Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan
Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan (NINDJA) didirikan pada bulan
Maret 1998 dengan bertujuan untuk mendukung demokratisasi Indonesia.
Kegiatan utama dari NINDJA adalah mengumpulkan informasi alternatif yang
berkaitan soal demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Di samping
itu, NINDJA memberikan informasi tersebut serta mengimbau aksi mendadat
kepada masyarakat, media mas, DIET maupun Pemerintah Jepang.
------
NINDJA <>
Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan
*****************************
Date: Thu, 2 Apr 1998 01:31:31 +0900 (JST)
From: NINDJA <>
To:
Subject: Demonstrasi di Jepang
Demonstrasi Mendukung Demokratisasi Indonesia:
Hentikan Bantuan Jepang kepada Rezim Soeharto-Habibie!
Dari pada tanggal 18 sampai dengan 21 Maret 1998, Wapres Indonesia
B.J. Habibie berkunjung ke Tokyo. Dia menyelenggarakan pembicaraan
dengan PM Jepang Ryutaro Hashimoto mengenai bantuan pangan dan obat
-obatan serta dalam pertemuan JIF (Japan-Indonesia Forum), dmeminta agar
hubungan ekonomi antara Indonesia dan Jepang lebih ditingkatkan lagi .
Selama Habibie di Jepang, pada tanggal 20 Maret, para anggota NINDJA
(Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan) dan pendukungnya, sekitar 50
orang, berdemonstrasi untuk mendukung gerakan pro-demokrasi di Indonesia
di depan DIET dan Deplu Jepang. NINDJA mengajukan beberapa tuntutan
kepada Ketua Majelis Rendah (the House of Representatives) dan Majelis
Tinggi (the House of Councilors), yang isinya sebagai berikut :
Kepada : Ketua Majelis Rendah Bapak Soichiro Ito
Kepada : Ketua Majelis Tinggi Bapak Juro Saito
1. Kami berharap Pemerintah Jepang untuk menghargai pendapat LSM-LSM dan
mengajak mereka mendiskusikan kebijakan-kebijakan yang berhubungan
dengan pemberian bantuan kepada Indonesia.
2. Kami menuntut Pemerintah Jepang untuk mendesak Pemerintah Indonesia
agar menempuh cara-cara yang demokratis dan transparan dalam penggunaan
bantuan pinjaman Jepang. Bantuan hendaknya jangan dipakai untuk memfasilitasi
perusahaan-perusahaan keluarga Cendana atau para konglomerat.
3. Krisis ekonomi Indonesia telah mengorbankan kehidupan rakyat melalui PHK,
kenaikan harga dll. Maka bantuan sangat diperlukan untuk mereka. Bantuan
itu harus diberikan langsung kepada rakyat jelata atau disampaikan melalui
LSM-LSM yang aktif membina masyarakat lapisan bawah.
4. Tuntutan bagi reformasi ekonomi dan reformasi politik di Indonesia
akhir-akhir ini kian meluas. Pemerintah Indonesia menindas mereka dengan
kekerasan. Pemerintah Jepang mesti mendesak pemerintah Indonesia agar
menghargai aspirasi rakyat melalui proses demokratisasi.
5. Pemerintah Soeharto bersikap yang tidak demokratis dan tidak
menghargai hak asasi manusia. Kami mengira bahwa pemerintah Jepang mesti
berhenti untuk membantu pemerintah Indonesia melalui ODA. Setidaknya
Pemerintah Jepang perlu menuntut Pemerintah Indonesia supaya menghargai
demokratisasi, hak asasi manusia dan kebebasan sebagaimana dicatat dalam
ODA Charter (Piangan ODA). Apabila Pemerintah Indonesia tidak mengikuti
piangan tersebut, Pemerintah Jepang mesti mempertimbangkan untuk
berhenti pemberian ODA.
6. Belakangan ini sering terjadi kerusuhan yang disebabkan kesulitan
kehidupan rakyat di seluruh Indonesia. Lagi pula gerakan masyarakat yang
menuntut demokratisasi semakin berkembang. Dalam keadaan itu, terjadi
kehilangan 2 aktivis yang bernama Pius (Aldera) dan Desmond (LBH
Nusantara) serta orang-orang yang luka-luka dan ditahan juga tercapai
jumlah yang besar. Dengan demikian, Pemerintah Jepang harus menegaskan
Pemerintah Indonesia agar tidak mengambil tindakan dengan kekerasan
untuk mengatasi masalah yang sedang dihadapi dan agar berusaha untuk
menemui orang yang hilang. Kami berharap anggota-anggota DIET untuk
berkunjung ke Indonesia dan menyatakan dukungan kepada gerakan
pro-demokrasi, misalnya melakukan penyalidikan independen, atau
mengikuti acara pengadilan bagi aktivis yang ditangkap.
20 Maret 1998
Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan
Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan (NINDJA) didirikan pada bulan
Maret 1998 dengan bertujuan untuk mendukung demokratisasi Indonesia.
Kegiatan utama dari NINDJA adalah mengumpulkan informasi alternatif yang
berkaitan soal demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Di samping
itu, NINDJA memberikan informasi tersebut serta mengimbau aksi mendadat
kepada masyarakat, media mas, DIET maupun Pemerintah Jepang.
------
NINDJA <>
Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan
*****************************
Kompas Online
_________________________________________________________________
Kamis, 2 April 1998
_________________________________________________________________
Unila Bergetar Lagi
Jakarta, Kompas
Aksi unjuk rasa mahasiswa masih berlangsung di sejumlah kampus, dengan
tuntutan yang belum berubah, yaitu seputar pelaksanaan reformasi
ekonomi dan politik. Meskipun aksi keprihatinan tetap berlangsung di
dalam kampus, namun di beberapa tempat telah terjadi aksi "coba-coba"
ke luar kampus.
Di kampus Universitas Lampung (Unila) yang dalam sepekan terakhir
telah tenang dari berbagai aksi damai mahasiswa, Rabu (1/4), kembali
bergetar. Lebih dari 100 mahasiswa sambil meneriakkan yel-yel
pro-reformasi mencoba menerobos ke luar kampus. Namun para pengunjuk
rasa itu gagal menembus gerbang kampus di simpang Jalan Soemantri
Brodjonegoro dan Jalan Zainal Abidin, yang telah diblokir aparat
keamanan. Empat truk aparat lainnya bersiaga di sekitar gerbang.
Mahasiswa menyatakan menolak dialog. Selama aksi berlangsung, beberapa
aparat yang berada di gerbang juga menolak mahasiswa masuk kampus bila
yang bersangkutan gagal menunjukkan kartu tanda mahasiswa (KTM).
Di Pontianak, sekitar 350 mahasiswa Universitas Tanjungpura (Untan)
Pontianak, melakukan aksi unjuk rasa di halaman kampus perguruan
tinggi negeri tersebut. Tema perjuangan yang diangkat dalam aksi itu
adalah soal penyakit sosial, antara lain kolusi, korupsi, nepotisme
yang sering terjadi dalam berbagai kebijakan pemerintah yang dinilai
menurunkan moral bangsa.
Sementara itu, puluhan mahasiswa berbagai perguruan tinggi di Aceh,
pada hari yang sama datang ke DPRD Aceh menyampaikan keprihatinan dan
tuntutan perlunya sikap transparansi semua pihak terhadap kondisi
akhir-akhir ini. Mereka yang menamakan diri mahasiswa anti arogansi,
kekerasan, kolusi, korupsi dan nepotisme (Markas KKN) sebelum masuk ke
gedung DPRD menggelar sejumlah poster. Dalam pertemuan dengan anggota
dewan, para mahasiswa selain menyampaikan keprihatinan terhadap
kondisi ekonomi di Tanah Air akhir-akhir ini, juga menyampaikan
sejumlah tuntutan kepada pemerintah melalui DPRD. Tuntutan tersebut
antara lain meminta agar lebih diperhatikan beberapa hal yang bisa
merubuhkan sendi-sendi pemerintahan yang kukuh seperti korupsi,
kolusi, nepotisme, kekerasan, serta arogansi.
Tidak langgar HAM
Ketua Subkomisi Pemantauan Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia (Komnas
HAM) Dr AA Baramuli menegaskan, unjuk rasa yang dilakukan mahasiswa di
kampusnya bukan pelanggaran HAM. Bahkan, unjuk rasa mahasiswa itu
merupakan salah satu perwujudan HAM yakni kebebasan menyatakan
pendapat. Asalkan tetap berada di dalam kampus, aparat tidak bisa
begitu saja menangkap mahasiswa yang berunjuk-rasa.
Dalam pertemuan itu Baramuli didampingi Dr Albert Hasibuan dan
Soegiri. Terhadap maraknya unjuk rasa mahasiswa di kampus itu, kata
Baramuli, Komnas HAM melakukan pemantauan terus-menerus. Komnas HAM
pun mengirimkan anggotanya untuk melakukan pemantauan langsung.
(cal/jj/nj/bdm/tra)
*****************************
From:
Date: Wed, 01 Apr 98 17:34:03 -0500
To:
April 1, 1998
Human Rights Watch has received credible reports of torture of
Indonesian student activists after arrest and is concerned about a new
wave of arrests and forced disappearances of those who have expressed
opposition to President Soeharto. Our sources include lawyers for the
activists, family members, and local press accounts. Three students
associated with the banned People's Democratic Party (Partai Rakyat
Demokratik or PRD), a political opposition organization, were
repeatedly tortured with electric shocks after their arrest by the
military on March 13. Andi Arief, a PRD leader arrested on March 28,
has been held incommunicado since his arrest, his exact whereabouts
unknown even to his family; there is concern that he, too, may have
been subject to torture. In addition, several political activists
remain missing and are believed to be in military custody. All of
these arrests and disappearances are taking place in a context of
ongoing political protest centered on university campuses, in the
aftermath of the reappointment of President Soeharto to a seventh term
in early March, the appointment immediately thereafter of a new
cabinet dominated by Soeharto cronies, and the deterioration of the
Indonesian economy.
INTERNATIONAL PRESSURE IS NEEDED NOW TO PROTECT
ALL THOSE INVOLVED AGAINST FURTHER ILL-TREATMENT
AND TO ASCERTAIN THE WHEREABOUTS OF THE MISSING
ACTIVISTS.
Specifically, the Indonesian government must be urged to:
1. Immediately initiate a full and impartial investigation into
reports of the torture of Nezar Patria, Mugiyono, and Aan Rustandi,
including examination of the three by a doctor of their choice, and
ensure that if reports of torture are confirmed, that those
responsible be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.
2. Immediately initiate an inquiry into the disappearance of Andi
Arief, Pius Lustrilanang, Desmond J. Mahesa, Haryanto Taslam, Rahardjo
Waluyo Djati, Herman Handradan and Faisal Reza. If the missing are
found to be in police or military custody, those responsible for
violating established criminal procedure should be prosecuted
accordingly.
3. Ensure that Andi Arief has immediate access to medical care by the
doctor of his choice.
4. Immediately release all those charged with peaceful political
protest and cease the use of laws and decrees that ban such protest,
such as Presidential Decree 11/1963 (subversion); Presidential Decree
5/1963 (forbidding political activities of any kind); Article 154 of
the Criminal Code (spreading hatred toward the government); and
Articles 134-137 (insulting the head of state).
Torture
Three student activists, Nezar Patria, twenty-eight; Mugiyono,
twenty-five; and Aan Rustandi, twenty-four were arrested in a military
raid on March 13 in an apartment in Klender, outside Jakarta. All are
members of the student affiliate of PRD called Indonesian Student
Solidarity for Democracy or SMID, and police said the three would be
charged with subversion, illegal political activity, and participation
in an outlawed organization. PRD and its affiliates were formally
banned in September 1997 because of their allegedly anti-government
activities.
Nezar and Aan were arrested around 6:30 p.m., and Mugiyono was
picked up about an hour later by officers of the Jakarta military
command (Kodam Jaya). The detainees were blindfolded and put into two
Toyota Kijang vehicles; it is not clear who was in which vehicle.
While in the cars, they were given electric shocks on their genitals
with a kind of electric baton. Still blindfolded, they were taken to a
building-- believed to be a military intelligence safehouse -- and put
in a room where they were stripped. They were again given electric
shocks to the genitals after which each man was tied to a kind of
metal cot. Their interrogators picked up the cot and smashed it
against the wall. The three were then untied, beaten, given electric
shocks again, and it was only after this treatment that they were
taken to separate rooms for interrogation. Their interrogators
questioned the three about the whereabouts of three wanted PRD
activists named Andi Arief, Daniel Indrakusuma, and Roy and said that
PRD was a communist organization.
The torture and interrogation lasted two days. On March 15, the
three were brought to metropolitan Jakarta police headquarters where
they have been allowed to meet with lawyers from the Indonesian Legal
Aid Institute. As of April 1, police had not started any formal
investigation into the case, although press reports quoting police
said the three were going to be charged with Presidential Decree 11/63
on subversion; Presidential Decree 5/63 on illegal political
activities; and Article 169 on the Criminal Code on participating in a
banned organization.
There is no evidence that any of the three were involved in
violence, although police have blamed PRD activists for an explosion
in the Tanah Tinggi area of Jakarta on January 18, in which a homemade
bomb apparently went off prematurely in an apartment rented to a man
named Agus Priyono who, police said, was a PRD member. Agus Priyono
has been detained at Jakarta police headquarters since the day of the
explosion and has been charged under Emergency Law 12/1951 with making
or possessing explosives.
"Disappearances": Andi Arief
Andi Arief, twenty-eight, was Indonesia's most-wanted student
activist until his arrest on March 28, 1998. A native of Lampung
province in Sumatra and a 1996 political science graduate of Gajah
Mada University, Andi had been active in PRD since its founding in
1994 and was the national chairman of SMID. He was on March 28 at
10:30 a.m. in Bandar Lampung, the provincial capital of Lampung, at a
musical instrument rental shop owned by his sister, when he was
arrested by two armed men who had no uniforms, showed no
identification, and produced no warrant. They were part of a larger
group that came to the shop in two Toyota Kijang vehicles. Andi's
brothers reported the abduction to the Lampung police, who said they
had no role in the arrest. As of April 1, his whereabouts were still
unknown, and the family was growing increasingly worried because he
suffers from leukemia and a brain tumor. His parents have also been
harassed; on March 31, a man telephoned their neighbors and told them
to tell Andi Arief's father that he should look for his son's body on
a beach area, Merak Betung, outside Bandar Lampung.
Andi had been sought by police since riots in Jakarta on July 27,
1996, which the Indonesian government blamed on the PRD. In the
aftermath of the riots, virtually every officer of the PRD with the
exception of Andi Arief was arrested and charged with subversion,
although prosecutors were unable to find any evidence to indicate
these detainees had any connection to the July violence. Instead,
prosecutors built their case for subversion around the PRD manifesto
of July 1996 that described the organization has having "a progressive
and revolutionary character." Specifically, they accused PRD leaders
of organizing worker rallies; calling for a referendum on East Timor;
and campaigning for a more open political system through the repeal of
five specific laws. On April 28, 1997, sentences ranging from
eighteen months to thirteen years were handed down to nine students.
Six of the sentences were six years or longer; all of the students
were under the age of thirty.
The hunt for Andi Arief intensified after the January 18 explosion
in Tanah Tinggi mentioned above.
In addition to his links to the PRD, Andi Arief had been president
of the Gajah Mada student senate in 1993-94 and editor of the
outspoken student magazine, Sintesa, in 1994-95. In 1995 he wrote an
article on the number of people who had been killed in the 1965-66
massacres of suspected members of the Indonesian Communist Party; the
attorney general banned the article, and the magazine lost its
publishing permit as a result. Andi Arief was also a member of KIPP,
the independent election monitoring organization, in 1997.
Other Apparently Forced Disappearances
Several well-known activists have "disappeared" since February when
security forces began a major crackdown in preparation for the general
session of the People's Consultative Assembly, the electoral college
that met in early March to select the president and vice-president.
In addition to Andi Arief, other activists who have "disappeared"
in February and March include Pius Lustrilanang, secretary general of
the pro-democracy organization Aldera; nd Desmond J. Mahesa, Jakarta
director of the Nusantara Legal Aid Institute. Both are widely
believed to be in the custody of military intelligence, although the
military has denied holding them. Pius was also secretary of a group
called Siaga which supported the candidacy of opposition leaders
Megawati Sukarnoputri and Amien Rais for president and vice-president,
respectively. Haryanto Taslam, a supporter of the Megawati
Sukarnoputri faction of the Indonesian Democratic Party, has been
missing since March 5, two days after a press conference in which the
faction he supports openly rejected President Soeharto's
"re-election." Most recently, three other PRD members have been
missing since March 12. They are Rahardjo Waluyo Djati, Herman
Handradan, and Faisal Reza.
In none of the above cases, with the exception of Andi Arief's, did
anyone witness an arrest, and the military has denied any knowledge of
the men's whereabouts. But Pius Lustrilanang's mother has sought help
from the National Commission on Human Rights in finding her son, and
the new minister of justice, Muladi, has urged both security forces
and family members to come forward with any information that can help
in "clarifying" the "disappearances." A member of the National
Commission warned on April 1 that Indonesia risked having a
"disappearance" problem like that Latin America once had if the
missing people were not found quickly.
Other Arrests
Two students, M. Khairil Syarif and Hamdani, were arrested on March
27 and were said on April 1 to be undergoing "intensive questioning"
in Bandar Lampung police headquarters on suspicion of insulting the
head of state and incitement. Both had taken active part in a
demonstration at the Raden Intan State Islamic Institute in Bandar
Lampung on the day they were taken into custody. Human rights
organizations in Bandar Lampung expressed deep concern for their
well-being.
M. Khairil Syarif was said to be coordinator for West Sumatra and
Lampung of the Indonesian United Democratic Party (PUDI), founded by
imprisoned parliamentarian Sri Bintang Pamungkas. Hamdani is an
activist in another political organization, the People's Party for a
Democratic Republic of Democracy (Partai Rakyat Repiblik Demokrasi or
PRRD). When he was arrested at a bus terminal in Bandar Lampung,
police said he was carrying documents about PRRD and an army uniform.
The Indonesian government considers both PUDI and PRRD illegal
since only two political "opposition" parties, in addition to the
ruling party GOLKAR, are allowed by law. Unlike the PRD, however,
neither organization has been officially banned.
In Jakarta, over 140 people are being detained for peaceful
protest, most of them charged under an old Sukarno-era law banning all
forms of political activity, defined as "any activity which directly
or indirectly can influence state policy and its implementation."
Violators can be imprisoned for up to five years. The law,
Presidential Decree No. 5/1963, was promulgated at the same time as
Indonesia's draconian anti-subversion law, but unlike the latter it
has not been used in decades. It is broadly enough worded to punish
any meeting, gathering, poster, or publication that the government
finds offensive (see below).
Those currently detained under the decree include 122 students from
a newly formed organization called the "Red and White Front" (red and
white are the colors of the Indonesian flag) who had tried to
undertake a peaceful protest march in Jakarta on February 11. They
also include a well-known performance artist and political activist
named Ratna Sarumpaet and five others who tried to hold a protest
meeting called the Indonesian People's Congress at a resort hotel in
north Jakarta on March 10. Ratna accused the police of illegal arrest
and detention in a formal process known as pra-peradilan (literally,
pre-trial), but the accusation was rejected, as it is in almost all
cases in Indonesia. The others arrested with her include her daughter,
Fathom Saulina; Alexius Surya Tjahaha Tomu, a lawyer with the
Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI); journalist
Ging Ginanjar, a member of the Alliance of Independent Journalists
(AJI); Nandang Wairakusumah, a political activist; and Jul Taher, a
member of Ratna Sarumpaet's theater group.
Others detained in Jakarta include three activists of the
independent labor organization, SBSI, two members of the political
activist organization Pijar, a journalist for the Jakarta newspaper
Sinar Pagi, and a supporter of the faction of the Indonesian
Democratic Party (PDI) that supports Megawati Soekarnoputri. They
were arrested on March 6 and 9 for distributing flyers for a labor
rally and holding a workers' demonstration.
On March 30, in the Bandung district court, the trial began of
Juandi, a student from the communications faculty of Padjadjaran
University. He is charged with insulting the head of state, a sentence
that carries a maximum penalty of seven years. He is accused of
distributing stickers that read "When Suharto Steps Down, Megawati
Will Return"; "Succession Now, Political Reform Now"; "Megawati for
President"; "I Love the Rupiah But I Save Dollars"; and "Unite for
Change Behind Amien Rais and Megawati." In addition to the stickers,
the prosecution presented as evidence two issues of the Padjadjaran
student newspaper and an article titled "Save the Indonesian People
from Destruction."
Presidential Decree No.5/1963
The resuurection of Presidential Decree No.5/1963 to punish
political protest is particularly disturbing because the wording of
the law is so vague and all-encompassing. Drafted at the same time as
the better known anti-subversion law (Presidential Decree 11/1963),
the decree simply bans all political activity except that carried out
by government agencies. It was issued on May 7, 1963 by then-President
Sukarno. The relevant articles read as follows:
Article 1(1): "Political activity" is defined in this decree as
any activity which directly or indirectly can influence state policy
and its implementation.
1(2): Political activity undertaken by agencies set up by
the government is not regulated by this decree.
Article 2: Political activity as defined in Article 1 must 1) be
undertaken with the goal of implementing the basic aims of the
revolution; 2) be within the limits of Guided Democracy and RESOPIM;
and 3) not undermine law and order.
Article 3: Anyone who undertakes political activities in the form
of meetings, gathering, or demonstrations is required to inform the
local police and the local branch of the National Front [long since
disbanded] three days beforehand, together with a clear explanation of
the objectives, nature, and program of the above activities.
Article 4: Participants in the meeting are forbidden from bringing
any form of weapon or explosive.
Article 5: Anyone who undertakes political activity in the form of
meetings, gatherings, or demonstrations who prints, publishes,
announces, conveys, distributes, sells, or posts writings in any form,
pictures, or posters which do not fulfill the requirements of Article
2 can be punished with a prison term of up to five years.
Article 6: Anyone who does not meet the requirements set forth in
Articel 3 or 4 can be imprisoned for a maximum of one year.
Article 7: Police can break up, stop, or take other action against
any political activity which violates the above specifications.
Conclusions
The crackdown that many in Indonesia anticipated in the aftermath
of the reappointment of President Soeharto is now well underway. Many
governments represented in the World Bank-chaired Consultative Group
on Indonesia have acknowledged that Indonesia's economic crisis has
become a political crisis as well, and that the lack of democratic
structures or any system of checks and balances has contributed to
Indonesia's economic woes. It is particularly important for those
donor governments to speak out forcefully against specific instances
of arrest and detention of political activists and against the use of
laws and decrees that facilitate political repression.
From: "berita kita" <>
To:
Subject: TIDAK ADA LAGI PERLINDUNGAN TERHADAP WARTAWAN
Date: Tue, 31 Mar 1998 03:35:35 PST
TIDAK ADA LAGI PERLINDUNGAN TERHADAP WARTAWAN
Jakarta, Berita Kita
Sekarang wartawan tidak lagi aman dalam meliput berita. Penangkapan dan
penahanan seorang wartawan Radio SBS Australia yang bertugas meliput
acara Indonesian People Summit oleh hakim dianggap sah oleh hakim.
Hal tersebut terungkap dalam putusan sidang pra peradilan Ging Ginanjar
terhadap Kapolres Jakarta Utara dan Polda Metro Jaya di PN Jakarta
Utara, Selasa (31/3). Ketiadaan perlindungan terhadap profesi juga
dialami oleh Alexius, salah seorang pengacara PBHI ini. Alexius ditahan
oleh polisi ketika ia mendampingi Ratna Sarumpaet ketika ditangkap di
Pondok Putri Duyung Ancol.
"Wartawan tidak lagi bebas meliput kemana-mana. Pengacara tidak lagi
bebas mendampingi para tersangka. Perlindungan terhadap profesi
ditiadakan di negeri ini. Ini sebuah kemunduran peradilan di Indonesia,"
kata Hendardi seusai sidang.
Hendardi justru minta kepada pemerintah untuk mencantumkan di KUHAP
bahwa tidak ada hak rakyat lagi untuk mempra-peradilankan aparat. Karena
menurut Hendardi bahwa bukti-bukti di persidangan cukup kuat tentang
pelanggaran yang dilakukan polisi dalam menangkap dan menahan mereka.
Tapi tetap saja hakim menyatakan bahwa polisi telah prosedural.
Selain menolak permohonan sidang pra peradilan Ging Ginanjar, tiga hakim
yang mengadili perkara ini juga menolak gugatan pra peradilan Ratna
Sarumpaet, Nandang Wirakusumah, Joel Taher dan Fathom Saulina kepada
Kapolres Jakarta Utara dan Polda Metro Jaya.
Dalam sidang-sidang sebelumnya sebenarnya secara gamblang bahwa acara
yang oleh polisi disebut-sebut sebagai kegiatan politik itu tidak jadi
dilaksanakan. Karena pengelola Candi Bentar tidak memperbolehkan
lokasinya dipakai untuk Indonesian People Summit. Dan pembatalannya
dilakukan Ratna Sarumpaet sendiri.
Ketika menangkap Ratna, polisi tidak menunjukkan bukti surat perintah
penangkapan. Sementara beberapa beberapa orang pemohon pra peradilan
lainnya, yaitu Fathom Saulina, Ging Ginanjar, Alexius, Joel Taher dan
Nandang Wirakusuma, datang ke Polres bersama Ratna dengan maksud
mengantarnya.
"Waktu itu polisi memperbelohkan kami ikut naik ke mobilnya. Tapi
sesampainya di Polres, ketika kami hendak pulang mereka melarangnya dan
akhirnya kami dibawa ke Polda," kata Fathom Saulina dalam kesaksiannya.
Sesampainya di Polda mereka tidak segera diperiksa. Dan surat perintah
penangkapan dan surat penahanan belum dikeluarkan. Keesokan harinya,
sekitar pukul 21.45 WIB mereka diberi surat perintah penangkapan dan
surat penahanan. Dengan tuduhan melakukan tidnak pidana pasal 5 UU No 5
PNPS/1963 dan UU no 5/PNPS/1969.
"Kami ditahan lebih dari 24 jam tanpa status yang jelas, tanpa prosedur
penangkapan," kata Fathom.
Bukti dan kesaksian yang diajukan para pemohon tidak digubris oleh
hakim. "Jadi kalau selama ini termohon I dan II tidak pernah bereaksi
dalam sidang-sidang sebelumnya itu karena mereka sudah tahu hasilnya
akan dimenangkan. Lihat saja, selama sidang termohon I dan II tidak
mengajukan saksi dan bukti-bukti," kata salah seorang pengacara.
Seusai sidang pembacaan putusan, rencana Ratna Sarumpaet akan membacakan
pernyataan politik. Tapi upaya tersebut digagalkan oleh ributnya aparat
keamanan yang mengamankan sidang. Beberapa media dalam dan luar negeri
yang akan mewawancarai Ratna didorong menjauh oleh puluhan polisi. Ratna
langsung digiring memasuki mobil tahanan yang telah disiapkan di depan
gedung Pengadilan Negeri.(jp)
*****************************
To:
Date: Tue, 31 Mar 1998
Indonesia. Idealistic scenes of white sand beaches lined by long
stretches of palm trees with vibrant sunsets silhouetting carved out
fishing boats against scintillating waters. Tiny streets with
motorbikes weaving past fruit stands, vendors reclining into the thick
smell of clove cigarettes.
Indonesia. Tense lines of soldiers flanked by military tanks, carrying
riot gear and tear gas to face spirited but peacefully protesting
students holding banners for political and economic reforms and calling
for democracy. Economic crisis, hunger strikes, devalued currency,
soaring unemployment, ethnic violence and scapegoating, food rioting in
local communities.
These were not the images I had drifting through my mind as I packed
clothes, camera, and malaria medication into one backpack for the
unknown adventure before me. I was returning again to Indonesia as a
traveller, anticipating the always friendly smiles and incredible
warmness of Indonesian people. People do still smile here, in fact they
have an amazing tenacity to do so considering their current
circumstances, but behind the appearances of light-hearted cheerfulness
there is an opening up of a critical look at the Draconian government
that has been dominated by one man for the last 30 years.
Of this emerging critical analysis of the government, students have
played a main role by staging demonstrations at campuses nationwide
advocating for economic and political reforms. Demonstrations began in
the weeks before the March 11 elections that reappointed President
Suharto in a controversial seventh five-year term as President and have
continued and grown in both participation and intensity over the past
few weeks.
These are not students caught up in a passing trend, many of their
concerns are in fact ones that the international community should be
very concerned about. One theme of the recent demonstrations, in cities
including Jakarta, Semarang, Surabaya, Solo, Bandung, Ujung Pandang,
Yogyakarta and Medan, is the recently proposed IMF/World Bank bailout
package. Students are concerned with its economic, social and
environmental effects both in Indonesia and globally. For example the
January 1997 IMF agreement with Indonesia calls for "the removal of all
formal and informal barriers to investment in palm oil plantation".
Concerns with palm oil plantation expansion include the fact that a
significant portion of the devastating forest fires in Kalimantan,
Indonesia, the effects of which the world saw this past year, were set
to clear land for development of plantations. In addition to the
environmental factors, the damage to the forests has also resulted in
thousands of indigenous peoples losing their homes.
Other concerns of students include nepotism and corruption within the
Indonesian government. The recent appointment of New Cabinet members is
a prime example of how things work in the elite circle of friends and
family that Suharto keeps around him. The new Cabinet includes his
eldest daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, better known as "Tutut", and
Mohammad "Bob" Hassan, a long term golfing buddy of Suharto known as the
"Plywood King" in reference to his control of the timber trade.
The increases in prices of basic commodities, especially food is another
theme of demonstrations, and one that has affected most of the
population as the Rupiah (Indonesian currency) has plunged 70% against
the US dollar since the beginning of the economic crisis in July 1997.
The history of Indonesian politics is not without periods of strong
student activism. The former President Sukarno began as a student
activist. In addition, the 1966 transition from Sukarno to Suharto, the
Malari incident in 1974-in which thousands of students staged
anti-Suharto protests in Jakarta, the anti-APEC conference
demonstrations of 1995 (similar to the Vancouver demonstrations of this
past November which called attention to APEC's lack of concern for
international human rights) and more recently the 1996 support of
Megawati Soekarnoputri, the ousted leader of the Indonesian Democratic
Party, are all incidents which have seen students take to the streets
with their views.
For the Malari incidents of 1974 in which students called for reduction
of prices, end to corruption and the end to Suhartos club of cronies,
there is an uncanny resemblance to the slogans of today. In 1974 the
demonstrations turned to riots and shops were looted resulting in about
a dozen student deaths as military opened fire.
As one looks over the military tanks and riot police sent to detain
peaceful protesters from leaving campus grounds, certainly there is a
fear of history repeating itself. It appears that the situation has
become even more volatile in light of the economic crisis that has seen
food prices double, as well as sheer numbers of students enclosed within
the boundaries of campus.
There are many factors that attest to the belief that the current
demonstrations are more fundamentally representative of large scale
disillusionment with the current system. This past Monday March 23rd,
25,000 students and supporters from Universities and communities around
Java Island gathered in the city of Yogyakarta at 'Universitas Gadjah
Mada' continuing appeals for economic and political reform.
On Wednesday March 25th, 9,000 students gathered at 'Universitas Sebelas
Maret', a demonstration that saw 39 students taken to hospital after
scuffles broke out with the police.
Many classes over the past weeks have not been attended as both students
and professors turn their attention to the demonstrations. Numbers
attending the raillies are increasing as students are uniting and
organizing behind the scenes to coordinate demonstrations that draw in
students from many universities. This is a move that is indicative of
the strong commitment to incite change. When asked how long the
demonstrations will last, one student-aged 25 responded "we won't stop
protesting as long as there are still injustices". Optimistic perhaps,
but with demonstrations already planned for the weeks ahead, students
are showing no signs of tiring in their pledge for reform.
Adding to the uncertainty of the situation is the prevailing attitude of
many students who feel that the current situation is so bad they have
nothing to lose. As one student expressed "we need change, it doesn't
matter what change."
In light of the risks associated with demonstrating, this spirited
attitude authenticates a profound frustration. The risks of speaking
out in Indonesia are many. This week a prominent government critic
Amien Rais is being investigated for defamation of the government, which
under article 154 of the criminal code carries a maximum penalty of 7
years imprisonment. He led a discussion organized by the center for
Strategy and Policy Studies to discuss survival of state problems,
including the prolonged monetary crisis. Participants at the meeting
have been accused of denouncing the government. Another charge within
the Indonesian system is subversion, one of the most serious offences
and it carries a maximum penalty of death if the suspect is found
guilty. It seems one of the strongest tactics used to oppress and
censor people is fear. A couple of years ago if critical comments were
made at all they included a look over the shoulder and hesitant worlds.
These days, despite the risks, a main slogan shouted by students at
campus demonstrations is "change the president".
In addition the government is currently being urged to do more to find
several missing political activists. Newspapers report that several
students have disappeared from Lampung Universtiy after they staged
demonstrations demanding political and economic reform two weeks ago,
although reports on local radio last Friday gave 17 as the number
missing.
What is perhaps most disturbing is the inability of the government to
accept criticism in a time when true dialogue, exchange of ideas and
critical thinking is needed. Some fear that the effects of silencing
students and thwarting intellectual activity will manifest in years to
come resulting in a generation unable to run the country. More
immediately, a government not open to hearing fresh ideas and
constructive criticism is one that remains stagnant and is slow to
recognise mistakes.
There is a sense of disbelief and innate fear as I struggle for the
words to describe tanks and heavily armed military squaring off against
thousands of peacefully demonstrating students at a University campus,
and I wish to be infused with the clarity of an experienced writer or
journalist but I am neither of these things. I am a student, much like
the ones at the Universities here. I too have ideas and dreams about
the future of our world, but unlike the students from all over
Indonesia, my Canadian University experience did not include learning a
fear of expressing them.
It was easy to talk about globalization and the shared world community
in the coffee shops of a Canadian city and discuss with optimism my
plans to travel and experience 'other' cultures. I never would have
imagined that my journey would lead me here and that faces amongst those
of the demonstrators would belong to the friends I have made during my
travels. They are the people who, with their hope and determination,
have truly inspired me. Students voices here and around the world are
incredibly important as they express truths that are too often silenced
by other interest groups and the cynicism of the world.
Of the many things I have learned here, I have learned that with seeing
comes responsibility and the need to act. The issues of the
environment, human rights and freedom are ones that affect, and are the
responsibility of, the entire international community. We can learn from
the experiences and actions of students here, who, through determination
and the organizing of peaceful demonstrations, are trying to create a
forum to express their views to the international community. Their hope
is to make the world a better one. We should be listening and acting.
*****************************
Date: Tue, 31 Mar 1998 00:28:25 -0800 (PST)
From: denny ramadhan <>
Subject: Mengapa ... ???
To:
Mahasiswa ke DPRD dan Polda
Palembang, Sriwijaya
Ratusan mahasiswa yang bergabung dalam kelompok Forum Solidaritas
Mahasiswa Palembang (FSMP), Senin (30/3) menggelar aksi unjuk rasa di
Gedung DPRD Sumsel dan Markas Kepolisian Daerah (Polda) Sumsel.
Mahasiswa gabungan dari berbagai perguruan tinggi di Palembang itu,
memprotes penganiayaan yang dilakukan oknum anggota Brimob terhadap
tiga mahasiswa Politeknik Universitas Sriwijaya.
Mereka menuntut agar para oknum anggota yang terlibat dalam
penganiayaan itu, dikenakan sanksi pidana dan dipecat dari keanggotaan
ABRI. Dalam pernyataan tertulisnya, mahasiswa menuntut pula agar pihak
kepolisian meminta maaf kepada Menteri Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan.
Unjuk rasa itu berawal dari insiden tabrakan badan mahasiswa Poltek Unsri
yang akan naik bus kota dan oknum anggota Brimob akan turun di bus yang
sama, Jumat (27/3) sore. Insiden kecil itu terjadi di depan Kampus Unsri
Bukitbesar, berlanjut bentrokan fisik dan melibatkan dua mahasiswa
lainnya. Setelah itu tiga mahasiswa tersebut diangkut ke Markas Brimob
(sekitar 500 meter dari kampus Unsri Bukitbesar).
Di markas, ketiga mahasiswa Poltek jurusan elektro itu dipukuli lagi.
Mereka terpaksa harus dirawat di RS AK Gani. Ketiga mahasiswa ini, Sabtu
lalu dijenguk langsung oleh Kapolda Sumsel Brigjen Pol Drs Deddi Ganrijadi
dan stafnya. Bahkan Kasdam II Sriwijaya Brigjen TNI Ryamizard Ryacudu,
hari yang sama memberikan perhatian khusus dan menjenguk mereka.
Ketika menjenguk korban, Kapolda menyampaikan permintaan maaf kepada
masyarakat tentang insiden itu. Termasuk permintaan maaf kepada keluarga
Charles Demsi (18) --yang meninggal dunia setelah tertembak peluru
petugas Polsekta Ilir Barat I pada Jumat petang.
Komandan Detasemen Polisi Militer Palembang, Letkol CPM Jayusman,
mengatakan, delapan oknum anggota telah diperiksa intensif. "Semuanya
mengakui kesalahannya, namun masih akan diperiksa ulang," katanya di
sela-sela unjuk rasa mahasiswa di Gedung DPRD.
Dikatakan, dari delapan oknum tersebut seorang di antaranya berpangkat
tamtama dan lainnya bintara. Diungkapkan, seharusnya para tersangka itu
ditahan dan diperiksa kesatuannya (Polda), namun Kapolda memberikan
perhatian khusus terhadap kasus ini sehingga langsung ditangani Denpom.
Aksi Unjuk Rasa
Sekitar 500 mahasiswa yang tergabung dalam FSMP melalui lima wakilnya,
diterima wakil ketua dan anggota DPRD Sumsel yaitu F Rozi Dahlan, H
Muchtar, Malian Syahri, Nassir Djakfar, Soni Purwono, Dra Zawiyah, dan
Sri Purwati. Sedangkan lima mahasiswa itu, masing-masing Zikrillah dari
Poltek Unsri, Usman Firiansyah (FH Unsri), Khairull Zalik (FT UMP), M
Juarsyah (FH UIBA), dan Fachruddin (mahasiswa Fakultas Tarbiyah IAIN).
Menanggapi tuntutan mahasiswa itu, anggota DPRD Sumsel akan
meneruskannya. Menurut F Rozi, mantan hakim dan oditur militer ini,
biasanya ancaman pidana bagi oknum lebih berat. "Pelaku bisa diancam
sesuai hukum pidana yang berlaku ditambah 1/3 dari ancaman itu,"
katanya.
Sebelum diterima anggota dewan, mahasiswa berkumpul di samping halaman
GOR. Begitu pula petugas keamanan, sejak pagi telah berjaga-jaga di
sekitar pintu masuk kantor DPRD Sumsel. Baru sekitar pukul 10.00 rombongan
bergerak masuk ke halaman Gedung DPRD.
Beberapa mahasiswa terlihat mengenakan jaket almamater masing- masing.
Mahasiswa Poltek Unsri sebagian mengenakan pakaian praktik, pakaian
laboratorium dan bengkel. Kemudian, mereka duduk dan menyampaikan
aspirasinya.
Beberapa mahasiswa bergantian membacakan poster-poster yang dibawa
bertuliskan antara lain: Reformasi Politik dan Ekonomi Perlu, Reformasi
Mentalitas Aparat Lebih Perlu; Setelah UNS, Unila, dan Unsri Kekerasan
Oknum ABRI Nyasar ke Mana Lagi?; Profesionalitas Aparat Bukan
Ditunjukkan dengan Gebuk dan Tampar; Budayakan Hukum Jangan Main
Hakim Sendiri; dan Mahasiswa Menuntut Reformasi Total.
Pukul 10.45 WIB lima wakil diperkenankan menyampaikan pernyataan sikap
mahasiswa. Dalam kesempatan ini, Usman atas kesepakatan bersama
dengan tegas menolak adanya dialog. Kemudian, mereka hanya
menyampaikan pernyataan sikap yang telah ditulis. Mereka juga meminta
agar Komnas HAM ikut bertanggung jawab dalam penyelesaian kasus
pelanggaran HAM. Pukul 12.00 rombongan mahasiswa ini bubar dengan
diantar 10 bus yang telah disiapkan.
Untuk pengamanan, Kapoltabes Kolonel Pol Drs Edison Siregar memimpin
langsung personelnya. Poltabes juga menyiapkan 12 bus untuk mengantar
mahasiswa ke kampusnya masing-masing. "Polisi hanya mengamati dan
mengamankan," kata Kapoltabes.
Selain itu, terlihat Komandan Kodim Letkol Kav Bambang Sriyono
mendengarkan Komandan Korem Kolonel Inf Ansyori Deas SIP melalui HT
(handy talky).
Datangi Polda
Sekitar satu jam seusai unjuk rasa di DPRD, 20 mahasiswa IAIN Raden
Fatah mengadakan aksi duduk di depan pintu masuk Mapolda Sumsel di
Jalan Sudirman KM-3,5 Palembang. Mereka yang sempat menjadi tontotan
pengendara dan penumpang kendaraan yang lalu lalang di jalan utama kota
ini, juga menuntut penanganan kasus ini secara tuntas. Kemudian, tiga
mahasiswa IAIN itu diterima Kadit Samapta Letkol Pol Drs Nurkamal dan
Kadit Serse Letkol Pol Drs Setiabudi.
Kedatangan sekitar 20 mahasiswa sempat mengejutkan para anggota.
Bersamaan itu pula seluruh anggota Polda yang sedang bekerja dikumpulkan
di halaman belakang dan mereka siaga, baik di dalam maupun di tiga pintu
pagar, pintu masuk, pintu keluar dan pintu belakang.
Anggota di jajaran Polda pun ingin menyaksikan aksi mahasiswa di luar
Mapolda, sementara pasukan antihuru-hara bersiap-siap berjejer di dalam
pagar depan Mapolda.
Begitu pula petugas yang baru usai berjaga-jaga di gedung DPRD,
dikerahkan kembali ke Mapolda. Bahkan di antara petugas tersebut ada
yang
baru mulai beristirahat dan sebagian lainnya terpaksa menghentikan makan
siangnya. Termasuk yang baru menyantap beberapa suap nasi.
Kapuskodalops Poltabes Mayor Pol Drs Ike Edwin sibuk mengatur pasukannya
menuju ke Polda. Banyak pula anggota pasukan antihuru- hara bolak-balik ke
ruangannya karena perlengkapannya ketinggalan. Sesampai di Polda, mereka
hanya di luar pagar.
Sedangkan 22 mahasiswa, setelah menyenandungkan Shalawat Badhar mereka
duduk di depan pintu keluar sejak pukul 12.30. Mereka dihampiri dua
perwira menengah yakni Kadit Samapta Letkol Pol Drs Nurkamal MZ dan Kadit
Serse Letkol Pol Drs Heri Setiabudi berusaha berdialog dengan mahaiswa
tersebut.
Pejabat di jajaran Polda itu berusaha menenangkan mahasiswa, dan meminta
tiga orang berdialog. Dialog itu dilangsungkan di dalam ruangan tertutup,
dan tak ada wartawan yang diizinkan masuk.
Sekitar pukul 15.00, tiga wakil mahasiswa itu yakni Iwan Safitri,
Aspihani, dan Maulini keluar dari ruangan Kadit Samapta. Kemudian mereka
diantar ke kampus IAIN menggunakan mobil kijang baru yang dikendarai
anggota Polwan Kapten Yeti. (ll/ii/ts/via/amn)
*****************************
From:
Date: Mon, 30 Mar 1998 21:48:46 -0500 (EST)
To:
FIM-B: Sidang Pertama Kasus Penghinaan Suharto Digelar Hari Ini
Juandi, aktifis mahasiswa semester XII Fakultas Ilmu Komunikasi
Universitas Padjadjaran (UNPAD) hari ini, 30 Maret 1998, di Pengadilan
Negeri Bandung menghadapi dakwaan penghinaan pemerintah dengan ancaman
hukuman penjara maksimal tujuh tahun. Salah satu Jaksa Penuntut Umum,
Tatang Wardjita, SH terpaksa harus membacakan dakwaan dengan bukti yang
sangat lemah di tengah riuhnya ruang pengadilan yang penuh sesak dihadiri
oleh mahasiswa Bandung pendukung Juandi.
Alas bukti yang dipergunakan sebagai dasar dakwaan jaksa hanyalah dua
harian Kampus UNPAD/ Padjadjaran Post, satu buah makalah berjudul
"Selamatkan Bangsa Indonesia dari Kehancuran, dua buah buku agenda warna
hitam dan enam buah jenis stiker. Masing-masin g stiker berbunyi, "Saatnya
Suharto Berhenti, Saatnya Megawati Kembali; Suksesi Sekarang, Reformasi
Sekarang; Megawati Presiden Baru; Rupiah Cintaku, Dollar Simpananku;
Bersatu untuk Perubahan, Dukung Koalisi Amin Rais, Megawati, Gus Dur untuk
Perubahan s erta Bersatu untuk Perubahan dukung Amin Rais dan Megawati."
Suasana pengadilan berjalan relatif tertib meskipun sering diselingi
dengan tepuk tangan dan teriak cemoohan pengunjung sidang. Salah seorang
wakil mahasiswa sempat menyampaikan bunga sebagai ungkapan simpatik untuk
penegakan keadilan serta ucapan selamat ulang tahun untuk jajaran
kehakiman.
Sidang diwarnai dengan aksi protes mahasiswa baik di dalam maupun di luar
gedung pengadilan. Sewaktu kuasa hukum Juandi dari LBH Bandung dan BBH
Unpad, yakni Haneda Sri Lastoto, Mulyadi dann Munadi, mempertanyakan
kepada Majelis Hakim tentang batas penaha nan Juandi yang telah berakhir,
pengunjung sidang bertepuk tangan riuh, memberikan dukungan. Setelah Hakim
Ketua mempertanyakan kepada Penuntut Umum tentang hal ini, Jaksa Penuntut
Umum menyatakan bahwa karena persoalan administratif surat perpanjangan pe
nahanan tidak sampai ke tangan tersangka Juandi dan kuasa hukum. Penonton
sidang yang kebanyakan mahasiswa UNPAD yang tergabung dalam Keluarga
Aktivis UNPAD, berteriak "....uuuuu.." Hakim Ketua langsung mengetukkan palu
sidang meminta perhatian pengunjung supaya jangan berteriak "...uuuu.."
Pada akhir persidangan, mahasiswa menyanyikan lagu himne UNPAD di dalam
ruang sidang, sambil meneriakkan: Hidup Juandi, Bebaskan Juandi, dan
berjalan ke halaman gedung pengadilan. Di sini juga, para mahasiswa
melakukan aksi protes untuk membebaskan Juandi . Dengan berikat kepala
bertuliskan " Juandi Tak Bersalah", para mahasiswa membacakan tuntutannya,
yang antara lain berisi: Tuntutan terhadap Pembebasan Juandi;
Dibebaskannya para aktivis pro-demokrasi yang ditahan oleh pihak keamanan;
dan Reformasi Polit ik.
Mulai sejak awal, proses pengadilan ini berlangsung dengan aroma kuat
rekayasa. Beberapa kalangan pengadilan, aktifis pembela HAM dan penegak
hukum berpendapat bahwa tuduhan yang diajukan tidak memiliki alas bukti
yang cukup karena tulisan-tulisan yang d ipergunakan sebagai bukti tidak
cukup jelas bisa ditafsirkan sebagai penghinaan. Penggantian presiden dan
tuntutan reformasi jelas-jelas bukanlah hal yang melanggar hukum.
Spekulasi yang beredar menyatakan bahwa penangkapan pada pertengahan bulan
Februar i 1998 sengaja dilakukan oknum-oknum tertentu untuk memicu
munculnya aksi kekerasan di Bandung. Berita resmi terakhir juga
menyebutkan bahwa Kapolresta Bandung Tengah (kepala wilayah terjadinya
penangkapan Juandi) kini sudah dimutasikan. Saat ini para pen egak hukum
yang menangani kasus Juandi bisa diibaratkan sebagai sedang memegang bara
panas yang ingin cepat-cepat dilepas tetapi tidak boleh dilepas.
Sidang kedua akan dilanjutkan pada hari Senin, 6 April 1998, pukul 09.00
WIB di Pengadilan Negeri Bandung, Jl Riau.
***
*******************************
Green Left #312 April 1, 1998
Title: Indonesian students lead battle for democracy
By Max Lane
More student demonstrations calling for the ousting of President
Suharto occurred across Indonesia last week.
Protest actions were held on university campuses in Jakarta and
again on the University of Lampung and other smaller campuses in
Lampung, South Sumatra.
About 2000 students rallied on March 26 at Padang Teachers
College in West Sumatra to protest against the disappearance of
nine students involved in earlier demonstrations at other
universities. The protesters lowered the national flag to
half-mast in remembrance of students who went missing from the
University of Lampung last week, and from Surakarta University in
the Central Java city of Solo on March 25.
At Surakarta University, 1000 students clashed with 300 police
and troops outside the campus. Police fired tear gas and battled
with the students, injuring at least 39. Ten security personnel
were also injured as students threw stones at the military.
The clashes in Lampung and Solo occurred when the students
attempted to march off the campuses to demonstrate their
sentiments to the community.
The new militancy among students has also been illustrated in
their willingness to ``detain'' police and intelligence agents.
The military have denied the existence of the plain-clothed
agents, despite the fact that those detained by the students have
carried intelligence identity cards. This anomaly was printed in
the Indonesian press.
The military is trying different tactics to confine the protest
activity to campuses. The new minister for defence, armed forces
commander in chief Wiranto, even offered a ``dialogue'' with the
students in an attempt to divide the students between those who
think it is possible to do deals with the army and those taking a
non-cooperation stance.
While this tactic has always worked for the military in the past,
this time almost all student groups, even the traditionally
conservative religious-based groups, have refused to take up the
offer, citing the military's repression and violence against the
people. Student leaders boycotted a meeting called by the armed
forces in Bandung on March 21.
In response to student hunger strikes begun on several campuses
in recent weeks, the government has also banned this form of
protest.
Last week, Lieutenant Colonel Imam Suwangsa of the Semarang
police uarters tried a new tack when he accused the Solo
demonstrations of being ``masterminded'' by the People's
Democratic Party (PRD).
Suwangsa was reported in the Suara Merdeka newspaper as saying
that the police presence was large because there were signs of
involvement by non-student elements: ``There are indications that
SMID (Students in Solidarity with Democracy in Indonesia), which
is affiliated to the PRD, were behind the actions.''
The Kompas newspaper reported on March 26 that Suwangsa said he
had ``data and evidence'' on these people. ``I am not just
mouthing off'', he said, ``their files are back in my office''.
Meanwhile, neither the police nor the military have made any
further statements about the arrest of PRD leaders Mugianto,
Nesar Patria and Aan Rusdiantio on March 13 in Jakarta. There is
no information on their current whereabouts.
The PRD uarters in Java reports that around 60 activists from
different groups disappeared on March 11, apparently picked up in
the street or from their houses. None of these detentions have
been announced by the authorities.
As well, students in Lampung report that 72 students who were
detained briefly last week have been summoned to appear as
witnesses in trials - trials for which there are no accused yet!
The students' committee set up to monitor arrests and injuries is
still investigating reports that two students have been killed.
